Preamble

This document has been elaborated in compliance with the decision made by the Executive Committee on March 29th and 30th, namely: "Within the framework of the preparatory work for the extraordinary meeting of September 30th and October 1st 2004, the General Secretariat shall draft a memorandum providing for the arguments used in favour of and against the creation of a new unitary organisation at the international level".

Items:

	1.	It is no accident that…
	2.	United action
	3.	Trade action
	4.	In favour of or against a new organisation
	5.	If yes: important questions and answers to be found
	6.	If no, are there any alternatives?
	7.	Conclusion

1. It is no accident that…

Before getting to the core of the subject, it is important to understand why a debate has now been opened on an issue that used to be undebatable in the past. 1.1 During the Cold War and after the creation of the ICFTU in 1949 (the split within the WFTU), the three main international organisations had each a specific role, according to its nature: - The ICFTU was dominated by the leading organisations of industrialized countries. Most of them had links with social-democratic parties in Europe, with an AFL-CIO working in the wake of the foreign policy of the United States. - The IFCTU (which became the WCL in 1968), a Christian organisation whose proposals also took into account spiritual aspects. - The WFTU, which comprised organisations having links with communist parties. 1.2 During the 1960s, the European trade unions of the IFCTU and the ICFTU strengthened their cooperation links. Some debates were then opened in Europe, leading to the creation of ETUC in 1973. Before reaching a compromise (the idea met with some hesitation and resistance by some WCL organisations), the ECFTU (ICFTU's European regional organisation) became the ETUC, which meant that any WCL organisation could become an affiliate of this new confederation created to act as a counterbalance to the development of the EEC (that later on became the EU). That is why it was impossible to negotiate the creation of a WCL-specific space. 1.3 Weakened during World War II (after breaking off relations with Central and Western European organisations and as a consequence of the creation of single confederations in Germany and Austria, under the Anglo-American pressure), the IFCTU gained ground worldwide, thanks to the creation of regional organisations or coordination offices: CLAT in 1954 in Latin America, BATU in 1963 in Asia, UPTC in 1959, FOPADESC in 1973 and finally, the DOAWTU in 1993 in Africa. 1.4 The "industrialized countries" base decreased after the disaffiliation of: - The CFDT in 1979 (replaced by the CFTC); - The NKV in 1978 (which merged with NVV to create the FNV); - Quebec's CSN in 1986. The political differences, mainly with regard to the WCL-ICFTU relationships, may have had an impact on these disaffiliations. 1.5 Three affiliates -NAPFE (USA), CLAC (Canada) and CSD (Quebec)- guaranteed the presence of the WCL in North America. Thanks to the actions taken by NAPFE, a Liaison Office was created in Washington in 1998. 1.6 After the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, the ICFTU exerted some pressure on the WCL for both organisations to merge, arguing that from that moment on, trade union pluralism at the international level was no longer justified. 1.7 After many debates, a proposal was made: the WCL could then become an organisation (foundation…) aimed at fostering the development of trade unionism in developing countries (training, debates, financial aid, and so forth). 1.8 Beyond the fact that the debate was obviously far from being closed (given the wounds opened by ORIT in Latin America during the military dictatorships), the ICFTU's arrogance also played an essential role in the failure of the dialogue process. The proposal on the creation of an organisation focused on the Third World was not accepted. Neither was the idea of an outright merger. 1.9 The WCL has played a leading role in supporting free trade unionism in Central and Eastern Europe (active support to Solidarnosc from the beginning). The day after the Romanian Revolution, the WCL offered its support to Cartel Alfa, the country's first independent organisation, and took similar initiatives in other countries. 1.10 However, the main organisations of most of those countries joined the ICFTU, which was supported by great European confederations (mainly the DGB) and the ACILS, which was an AFL-CIO agency. The latest affiliation registered was that of the Russian Federation, in 2001. 1.11 In Western Europe, organisations with strong Christian values have distanced themselves from the WCL. The Australian FCG pays its (flat) dues occasionally. Since 2002, Switzerland's CSC only pays a flat fee of CHF 10,000 (instead of 60,000) and has not participated in the European Section for a while. 1.12 At the world level, and after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the WCL has strongly developed in Africa, especially since pluralism started being tolerated within the continent. In Asia, it is worth highlighting the affiliation (in 1997) of Indonesia's SBSI, the only independent organisation of the world's fourth most populous nation and the world's largest Muslim-populated country. 1.13 Regarding the ICFTU, it succeeded in affiliating great progressive organisations all over the world, such as Brazil's CUT in 1995, South Africa's COSATU in 1997 and South Korea's KCTU in 1999. 1.14 As to the Arab world, the WCL has two affiliates in Morocco (UGTM and most recently, the CDT). The ICFTU, despite the difficult relations with Histadrut, is present in 7 Arab countries (1), through 8 organisations. 1.15 Although the WFTU was considerably weakened after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it can still count on countries such as Cuba, Peru, India, Vietnam, Cyprus and Syria. 1.16 It is obvious that, especially after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the trade union scenario has changed and the ideological lines first drawn have become blurred. The affiliations registered in emerging or developing countries in general, and in Arab countries in particular, have somehow modified the image of the ICFTU as a confederation dominated by industrialized countries. 1.17 Over the past years, this change has been translated into a new ICFTU affiliation policy. In the past, this policy was "erratic". Today, the ICFTU has refused to accept the affiliation of the leading (but not really democratic) organisation of Ukraine, and has decided to shelve its project on the unification of Indonesia's official trade unions against the SBSI, which is a WCL affiliate. 1.18 This change can also be identified in the ICFTU's official stands: over the past years, its stands regarding an important number of issues have come closer to ours. 1.19 Therefore, it is no accident that today we open a debate on the future of international trade union structures. The events that have taken place over the past years have fostered deep changes, at all levels. Today will not be like yesterday and tomorrow will never be like today. 1.20 Given the fall of the Berlin Wall and thanks to technological breakthroughs, neoliberal globalization has successfully gained ground. This type of globalization is characterized by an unprecedented wealth accumulation and an unacceptable increase in inequalities that have led to wars and violence. 1.21 The neoliberal policies promoted by the IMF, the World Bank, the WTO, etc., have weakened the States in order to favour multinational corporations, have undermined the foundations of trade unions, by destroying its traditional anchoring points, and have forced millions of workers into the informal sector, without rights or any social protection. 1.22 In general terms (although there exist some positive exceptions), trade unionism has lost ground, the influence of trade union organisations has decreased and social struggles are increasingly difficult to wage, for the system promotes negative values, such as individualism, selfishness and the law of the jungle. These values have taken over positive ones, such as solidarity and social justice. It is also worth highlighting that trade unionism no longer attracts the youth, and no significant steps have been taken to foster the participation and empowerment of women within the organisations. 1.23 Trade unionism is a basic tool of the democratic system. It is a counterbalance to the economic system, a way to foster wealth redistribution. 1.24 Although national trade unions are responsible for the elaboration of national policies, we must admit that one of the effects of globalization is the increasing importance that the international aspect has acquired. Therefore, trade unions need to have an international influence and to do so, trade unionism must be strong worldwide. 1.25 If a debate on former differences is possible today, it is not only because trade unionism (especially the WCL and the ICFTU and their organisations) has evolved worldwide, but also because there is a collective consciousness of the urgent need to strengthen trade unionism in general and international trade unionism in particular. Back to top

2. United action

During its Congress in Caracas (1989) and later on, in Mauritius (1993), the WCL put forward a proposal on the creation of a WCL-ICFTU united union front. This concept was later on transformed into the notion of "united action", mainly with the ICFTU but without excluding other organisations. 2.1 We must not forget that we have also faced significant changes, namely: - In 1993, the WCL regained a seat (out of a total of 33 regular and alternate members) in the ILO Governing Body (election of Jean-Richard Sandos, Central African Republic). No WCL representative had participated in the ILO Governing Body since 1978 (2). - TUAC (3) Vice-Presidency has been in the hands of the Belgium's CSC President since… - Several agreements were made in 2002 to organise common meetings at the IMF and World Bank level. - Since 2000, the WCL participates, together with Global Unions, in the World Economic Forum of Davos. - The ICFTU decided to work together with the WCL in 2001, within the framework of the annual organisation of the World Social Forum. - There exist good cooperation links with ETUC regarding EU / developing countries relations (ACP, Mercosur….) and the SGP system. - There exist good cooperation links with the ICFTU at the United Nations level. The ICFTU's veto on the participation of the WCL and its organisations in Global Compact has been recently lifted. - The presidency of the Workers' Group in the Committee on the Application of Standards, within the framework of the annual Conference, has not been challenged during the last turnover. - It is worth highlighting the proliferation of practical examples of punctual cooperation over the past years. 2.2 It is regrettable that 2001's agreement on the "Permanent Forum" was never implemented. Such agreement would have paved the way for a debate on the issue with the people responsible (who were obviously not informed), on the occasion of the meeting among G-8 trade unions in Geneva, that same year. Finally, for us, the ICFTU hegemonic attitude in some situations and in certain places remains difficult to accept. 2.3 The issue of the ILO and the elections for the Governing Body remains of the essence. The Workers' Group working procedures (simple majority) supply the ICFTU with a de facto monopoly-based situation, which leads to the sub-representation of the other members. This situation can also be seen in the other ILO structures and specially, within ACTRAV. (4) 2.4 However, in general terms, it can be said that despite the progress and efforts made by its leaders, the ICFTU is still characterized by a monopoly-based culture, which becomes stronger at the intermediate executive level. 2.5 Despite this situation, it is worth highlighting some facts that have fostered and continue fostering another type of dialogue: - In November 2002, the WCL Secretary General was invited to a Global Unions meeting held in London, in order to give his opinion on international trade unionism. The discussion was heated, but open and respectful of the different standpoints. - During the ETUC Congress in Prague -in April 2003- the public appeal made by the ICFTU Secretary General and addressed to the WCL constituted an implicit acknowledgement of the latter as a key actor for the unification of the international trade union movement. - The ICFTU has cast aside the idea of an outright WCL-ICFTU merger. Likewise, the creation of a new organisation -in compliance with an ICFTU-WCL agreement- open to confederations with no international affiliation, and aimed at strengthening an international trade unionism undermined by neoliberal policies, is a novelty within the history of our relationships… - The common contacts established with non-affiliates (5) during the ILO Conference show the obvious interest in this process and the favourable context that characterizes it. By then, the ICFTU admitted that alone, it would never be able to gather all the democratic trade unions of the world… - The informal meeting between the members of the Executive Committee and the ICFTU piloting committee (held in the WCL headquarters last March 29th) showed that both parties granted great importance to these contacts and that, beyond the General Secretariat, the ICFTU organisations were interested in our contacts. No arrogant attitude was perceived during this meeting. - During the meeting held on June 24th 2004, the ICFTU Executive Committee entrusted the Secretary General with the task of continuing the discussion, bearing in mind the ICFTU Congress to be held in December 2004. Back to top

3. Trade Action

3.1

The WCL and the ICFTU Trade Action structures are quite different. The WCL Federations -although autonomous in the management of their sectoral policy- are affiliated to the WCL, pay dues and have the right to vote in the Congress and Confederal Board. Likewise, a vice-president representing Trade Action is elected by the Congress. He chairs CTA and WCTA meetings. Within the General Secretariat, there exists a Deputy Secretary General in charge of coordinating Trade Action with him and fostering the links between the ITFs and the other WCL departments.

3.2

Within the ICFTU, ITS are completely independent. They pay no dues to the ICFTU and have no right to vote within the decision-making bodies, where they do participate as observers. A couple of years ago, an informal agency called Global Unions was created. It frequently gathers ICFTU and ITS representatives in order to foster coordination among them.

3.3

ITS also have an informal coordination agency: the Global Union Federations (GUFs). The GUFs are powerful (6) organisations, both at the political and financial levels (see list provided in Annex I). Sometimes, they devise their own inter-trade policy, something that is aberrant in an increasingly globalized economy.

3.4

Despite their independency, they follow the ICFTU stands. The affiliation of trade federations coming from confederations with no international affiliation (7) often paves the way for ICFTU membership.

3.5

After the 1980's, the trade federations of Belgium's CSC (metal, employees, food, some transport sectors, culture) and Holland's CNV (food, metal) left the ITFs and joined the ITSs, so as to strengthen their actions, especially vis-à-vis multinational companies (8).

3.6

The same happened with other organisations (for instance, the teachers of the CSDR of Romania, the agriculture and food sectors of Dignité in the Ivory Coast, the transport sector of Indonesia's SBSI, etc.). Similar situations can be found within the WCL, although to a lesser extent and with lesser impact.

3.7

Besides, structured cooperation links are being established between some ITFs (teachers from the EI and WCT, the Construction and Wood sector, for instance) with a view to creating a new organisation. Other sectors, such as the WFIW and ICEM (chemistry), have also entered into a dialogue.

3.8

Paradoxically, INFEDOP, which has emphasised its close links with the WCL, has not paid its dues since 2000.

3.9

This progress can not be ignored, for it is also part of the global context of the ICFTU - WCL relationships.

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4. In favour of or against a new organisation

4.1 Annex II provides for a draft of the terms and procedures applying to the creation of a new organisation, in compliance with a WCL - ICFTU agreement. 4.2 Annex III provides for an outline of the possible founding principles of such organisation. 4.3 These documents are the result of the so-called "informal assessment" entrusted to the Secretary General by the Confederal Board of Jakarta. Emilio Gabaglio wrote them. 4.4 These documents provide for the key elements to be taken into account in the decisions to be made about the feasibility (or not…) of the project. Strengthening the international trade union movementl 4.5 Will internal pluralism (the kind of pluralism that will replace the current external one) within a unitary organisation best defend workers at the international level? This is the key question. 4.6 The possible creation of a unitary organisation at the international level does not imply national unification. In fact, national policies are the responsibility of national organisations and not of the international organisation. Both within the WCL and the ICFTU, there exist countries where several organisations are affiliated to a single international organisation (9). This does not necessarily mean that their policies are completely harmonious. In Annex II, it is clearly stated that the new organisation would be open to all the organisations currently affiliated to the ICFTU and the WCL. 4.7 The pluralism of an organisation allows for original stands to be expressed. However, this means that we must be able to take actions to influence decision-makers. This takes us to the issue of the balance of power. Within this context, it is fundamental to concentrate our efforts to be acknowledged as a partner (the ICFTU - WCL ratio is of about 80/20 and changing it is not a real possibility). Besides, competition-like situations are not always positive, except when they can be used to foster united action. In these cases, it is also necessary to measure the results obtained in relation to the resources mobilized. 4.8 In a unitary organisation, danger often lies in the opposite direction: that of working in a bureaucratic way, thus stifling internal dialogue. In this regard, section 3 of Annex II highlights the will to foster internal pluralism at all levels and within representative agencies. The document also acknowledges the importance of the WCL heritage (10). Likewise, the culture of the new organisation will be hallmarked by the contributions of the WCL and other organisations. If such organisation is able to mobilize the lifeblood of the trade union movement, then international trade unionism will be strengthened. 4.9 As to the outline of a Declaration of Principles (type of trade unionism) provided in Annex III, we must say that its content is strongly inspired by the current Declaration of Principles of the WCL. It reasserts the progress highlighted above. Back to top

5.	If yes: important questions and answers to be found

Internal democracry

5.1 In concrete terms, several solutions have been put forward to: - Offset the rights to vote and therefore, avoid the supremacy of large organisations as a consequence of the outright implementation of a proportional system during the Congresses. - Implement a special majority system for some important decisions (elections, statutes). - Increase the visibility of pluralism within the agencies and at the external representation level. These solutions will need further development, if a straight yes is given. Regional organisations 5.2 WCL and ICFTU structures are quite different: - At the geographic level, the ORIT (the ICFTU inter-American regional organisation) covers the entire continent, while CLAT only covers the countries located to the south of Rio Grande. - At the structural level, the 3 regional organisations of the ICFTU (ORIT, AFRO and APRO) are affiliated and their budget is part of the ICFTU global budget. Conversely, the WCL structure is more decentralized: regional organisations have their own resources and capital. - In this regard, Annex II recommends the creation of regional structures taking into account "the increasingly important role that regional groupings all over the world play within trade union actions". 5.3 This fact will certainly constitute a specific negotiation point if a yes is given. Trade Action 5.4 The difference among the structures is more visible here. There is no correspondence between the ICFTU model and national trade union ones. In fact, in most cases, trade sectors contribute to the elaboration of the inter-trade policy of their confederation, which is in turn responsible for the organisation of common services. However, their scope of action varies according to the model used. 5.5 A new organisation with no structural links with trade sectors is hardly conceivable. The same applies, in this case, to the unification of the trade union movement… In this regard, the creation of a new organisation represents a unique opportunity to solve this problem. 5.6 Nothing is easy, though. Trade Action lacks a uniform stand, although it is part of the WCL structures. The solutions to be found will mainly depend on the individual will of each and every ITF. And the situation within the ICFTU is far from being different. Once again, we find here a specific space for negotiation if a yes is given. Schedule 5.7 It would be worth highlighting here that the terms of a possible dissolution are clearly stated in the WCL Statutes: - The Congress shall be convened three months in advance. - Four-fifths of the affiliated organisations shall participate (or a new session shall be convened within 8 days). - Decisions shall be taken by a majority of three-quarters of the number of valid votes. 5.8 In any case, all affiliates participate in the last stage of the process. 5.9 In late April, a memorandum detailing the process under way was sent to all WCL organisations (regional and national organisations, as well as ITF). 5.10 Therefore, if a yes is given, the next step would be to define the type of procedures to be used to open discussions at all levels and the deadline needed. The main objective here is to foster the participation of most of the people concerned. 5.11 However, we must be aware of the fact that once the process will be under way, our acting capacity will be limited. From that moment on, time will not be on our side. "Principle decision" 5.12 Annex IV provides for the text of a Principle Decision that may be passed by both the WCL Confederal Board and the ICFTU Congress. Back to top

6.	If no, are there any alternatives?

6.1 Holland's CNV was the only organisation to table an alternative proposal at the Confederal Board of Jakarta. Such proposal has been included in this document as Annex V and it mostly deals with the organisation of the united action. It is now the task of the Confederal Board to evaluate it. 6.2 The key question for the future is whether the WCL alone will be able to successfully meet the challenges posed by globalisation. This implies that we must not only maintain our current acting capacity, but also mobilize new resources. To do so, the concrete -i.e. financial- engagement of our organisations is of the essence. As a matter of fact, we are all aware of the fact that it is impossible to go further with the resources currently available. 6.3 Otherwise, isn't there any risk of seeing some of our affiliates gradually break their links with an international organisation that is no longer able to meet their needs? 6.4 The Trade Action evolution is alarming. If we decide to go it alone, a deep re-organisation will be fundamental in order to continue being operational. 6.5 The WCL expansion could be a solution if the new organisations could play an active role in finding an equilibrium between developed and developing countries. However, the gap is still there, despite the enormous efforts made by the WCL team and its partners. 6.6 We could also enter into alliance with other actors, but this implies a major risk, that is, departing from the founding principles of the WCL and its actions. Back to top

7.	Conclusion

This memorandum was elaborated with a view to facilitating a serious debate, bearing in mind the highest possible number of elements, with great composure. It will undoubtedly be enriched by our discussions. We are at a crossroads: some say it is a historical moment for the trade union movement. The time has come for us to assume our responsibility - just as we often did in the past - not for us, not for our structures, but for the workers we defend and in order to promote the social justice we long for. Back to top 1. Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Lebanon (2 organisations), Palestine, Yemen Republic, Jordan. Applications for affiliation were submitted by Kuwait and Bahrain. 2. Except for a representative from Solidarnosc -organisation benefiting from double affiliation- who was elected in 1990. Brother Jean-Richard Sandos was succeeded by F. Kikongi (1996-2001), who was then succeeded by Brother Basile Mahan Gahé. 3. Trade union advisory committee to the OECD. The President of TUAC is J. Sweeney, from the AFL-CIO, and the second Vice-president is a representative from Japan. 4. ILO Bureau for the Workers' Group. 5. CGT France, CGTP Portugal, OPZZ Poland, CITU India, GEFONT Nepal, CUT Colombia, CTA Argentina, as well as regional organisations such as CISA and CGS (former URSS countries). 6. All the GUFs together comprise some 146 million affiliates. 7. France's CGT, for instance, comprises at least 12 sectors (out of 32) affiliated to the GUFs. 8. This evolution mainly led to the marginalisation of the WFAFW, which could not afford deploying its action within the agricultural sector, which is a basic activity in developing countries and where male and female workers are particularly exploited. 9. For instance, within the WCL: Romania, Morocco, India, Mexico and Paraguay. Within the ICFTU: Italy, Bulgaria, Brazil, South Africa, Spain, Belgium and many others… 10. The document puts forward the creation of a foundation. This proposal triggered a reaction from our members, given the debates held in the past. If an affirmative answer is given, it will be necessary to devise a tool aimed at ensuring the informal link between our organisations and other interested actors, so as to optimize our heritage. This is particularly important for the WCL, especially because the level of participation of smaller organisations in the organisation's activities (such as training, for instance) may change. Likewise, the continuity of the financial aid is yet to be discussed. Solutions could be found within this context.